Quartermasters of Terror: Saudi Arabia Global Islamic Jihad

There is a reason why fifteen of the nineteen of the September 11 terrorists, forty percent of the suicide bombers in Iraq and eighty percent of the Taliban and Al Qaeda detainees, taken from Afghanistan to Guantanamo Bay, Cuba were from Saudi Arabia .......

THE QUARTERMASTERS OF TERROR:
SAUDI ARABIA AND THE GLOBAL ISLAMIC JIHAD
by MARK SILVERBERG, listed author at the Ariel Center for Policy Research in Israel

There is a reason why fifteen of the nineteen September 11th terrorists, forty percent of the suicide bombers in Iraq and eighty percent of the “detainees” taken from Afghanistan to Guantanamo Bay, Cuba were from Saudi Arabia. It is because, as we enter the 21st century, Islam is involved in an ideological and religious war with itself. It has been hijacked by a radical Islamic cult that is at war with Western culture - a cult that was born in the harsh desert sands of Saudi Arabia and now rules that country.

It is little wonder then that Saudi Arabia is caught in a time warp between a past it cannot shed and a future to which it cannot adapt. And because Fate has bestowed upon it an unprecedented oil boon, it has, for at least a generation, funded, supported and otherwise successfully exported this virulently anti-Semitic, anti-American, violent and narcissistic form of Islam to an unsuspecting world.

Few issues have raised more interest since September 11, 2001 as the relationship between Islam and Islamic terrorism. From the conservative perspective, one need only consider the works of Bernard Lewis who, writing in The Crisis of Islam, maintains that the Muslim world is divided into two spheres - the House of Peace (Dar al-Islam), which is Islamic, and the House of War (Dar al-Harb), which is non-Islamic. In his view, world peace, according to Islam, is achieved only when the world is subjected to Dar al-Islam. “The presumption”, says Lewis, “is that the duty of jihad will continue, interrupted only by truces, until all the world either adopts the Muslim faith or submits to Muslim rule."

Others, however, suggest that Islam is not inherently violent, that it values human life as sacred, and is fundamentally a religion of peace. Traditional Islamic interpretations not only forbid the murdering of innocent people in the name of religion, but promise "torment in Hell” for those who commit such acts. Consequently, a devout Muslim who fears Allah (so the traditional argument goes) can never commit such an act. Every attack against innocent people using religion as a justification is actually an attack against Islam. In that respect, "Islamic terror" contradicts Islam's true message which, simply stated, is to bring peace and justice to the world.

For traditional Muslim believers (who comprise the overwhelming majority of the world’s Islamic population), terror is violence committed against non-military targets for political purposes. As such, those who commit murders, massacres and attacks against innocents in the name of “martyrdom” (ie: "suicide attacks") are deemed to be “terrorists” without any redeeming justification. Such actions are bereft of any moral justification because the values of the Quran hold a Muslim responsible for treating all people (whether Muslim or non-Muslim) kindly and justly; require them to protect the needy (through zakat - or charitable donations - which constitutes a religious obligation); to defend the innocent, and to prevent the dissemination of "mischief on the earth." (Quran 29:36)

But there is another side to this internal Islamic conflict and it has been evolving for centuries in the barren sands of Saudi Arabia. It is an ugly, distorted mirror image of traditional Islam called Wahhabism - a strict, fascistic, separatist, supremacist and violent interpretation of Islamic doctrine that has found its philosophical foundations in the writings of a few select radical Islamists (Ibn Taymiyah, Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab, Sayyid Qutb, Abu al-'Ala al-Maududi and Sheikh Yusef al Qaradawi to name only the most prominent), who speak of Islam as a dominating faith and condemn those who do not submit to its teachings as infidels or apostates who are subject to death. It is this version of Islam that is gaining prominence in the madrasses of the Middle East from Syria and Egypt to Pakistan and beyond to the Philippines, and is being “exported” throughout the world on the wings of Saudi largess.

As this book will show, Saudi Arabia has been and continues to be the single most important financial and ideological supporter of radical Wahhabist Islam. It has spent over $87B over the past twenty-five years to finance the propagation of Wahhabi extremism in schools and houses of worship, not only in Saudi Arabia and other Muslim countries but also in the United States through numerous charitable front organizations, charitable zakat donations provided through its mosques as part of the Muslim tradition of alms-giving, businesses, banks (Islamic and otherwise), through Islamic textbooks taught in Islamic schools, in American colleges and universities, and through the Muslim chaplaincy program whose Islamic seminaries train and certify Muslim chaplains for our prison and military systems - all with the aim of successfully recruiting converts for the Islamic Jihad against America.

In the estimated 80% of mosques that the Wahhabists control in America, their textbooks teach that the West is the source of all misfortunes of the Muslim world - it’s most dangerous effect being its cultural and intellectual influence in various fields including the spread of Western practices and habits - from Western democracy to Western influence in the fields of literature, art, music, the media, fashion, education and research - including Christian missionary work, Western humanitarian and medical aid, and even Western-invented computer games.

Through Saudi-controlled and supported charities the Islamic banking system provides the infrastructure and financial support for the Islamic terror groups that have been harvesting infidels in Iraq, Israel, Jordan, Bali, Afghanistan, America and now even in Saudi Arabia.

It was only with Operation Green Quest - the American financial response to 9/11 - that Saudi funded charities in America were raided and (in many cases) shut down for “providing material support to terrorists”- charities that included the SAAR Foundation, Global Relief Foundation (GRF), Benevolence International Foundation (BIF), Muslim Arab Youth Association (MAYA), Muslim Student Association (MSA), Islamic Association for Palestine (IAP), Holy Land Foundation for Relief and Development (HLF), Muslim World League (MWL), International Islamic Relief Organization (IIRO) or International Relief Organization (IRO), Al Haramain Foundation (AHF), Alavi Foundation, Institute of Islamic and Arabic Science in America (IIASA), Islamic Assembly of North American (IANA), Help the Needy, Islamic Circle of North America (ICNA), Islamic Foundation of America, United Association for Studies and Research (USAR), Solidarity International and/or Solidarity USA, Kind Hearts, Islamic American Relief Agency and/or Islamic African Relief Agency, Islamic Society of North America (ISNA), World Assembly of Muslim Youth (WAMY), Rabita Trust and Human Appeal International.

In the end, the solution to the global spread of Saudi Wahhabism will not be achieved by the overthrow of the Saudi Kingdom for the influence of Wahhabi teachings now stretches to the four corners of the globe. Rather, Islam itself must undergo a metamorphosis, a Reformation, and that will require more than the democratization of the Middle East. It will require clear and binding legal decrees (fatwas) from moderate, respected Muslim imams who contradict the axioms of the Wahhabists and excommunicate these radicals. In essence, the radical narrative (which promises "paradise" to those who perpetrate acts of terrorism against infidels) must be met by an equally legitimate religious force that guarantees eternal damnation for the same acts.

In the meantime, the unrestricted acceptance of Saudi funding into this country constitutes a suicide pact with those who believe their mission is the Islamification of America.

The war on Islamic terrorism cannot be won unless and until Islam itself is modernized and moderated in the same way that Christian and Jewish scholars have (over the centuries) moderated the more strident aspects of their scriptures and promoted those verses that spoke of the brotherhood of man, tolerance and understanding over those portions that speak of exclusivity.

Before Muslims can extend the courtesy of respect to non-Muslims, they will first have to treat each other with compassion. But as there is no Muslim equivalent of the Second Vatican Council, the World Council of Churches or the tradition of intra-religious dialogue that so characterizes the Christian faith today, it will not be an easy task. To this day, no major Muslim cleric or religious body has ever issued a fatwa condemning Osama bin Laden. Islam awaits its Reformation. Until that occurs, the West must not be idle. The rules of combat must be rapidly adjusted and international law must be rewritten to permit civilization to defend itself.

Democratizing the Arab World: America’s New Challenge (2002)

In addition to a common language, history, geography and culture, 200 million Arabs in 22 North African and Middle Eastern countries share a common bond of suffering under military dictatorships, totalitarian regimes and unconstitutional monarchies.

Almost five decades after the wave of independence swept through the Arab world, the political regimes of the Middle East have failed to deliver on their promise of democracy. In most Arab countries, the military has managed to steal the fruits of independence. Military commanders have become autocratic rulers and military discipline has become the rule of law. In the Emirates of the Gulf, the rule of the family is the norm. There are no political parties, no trade unions, no freedom of speech, and no individual freedom apart from that which the ruling families choose to offer their people. Arab women in these Emirates still struggle for the right to vote, to be elected, and even to drive cars at the beginning of the 21st century. Governments are still committing crimes against individuals and their societies while chanting songs and slogans extolling freedom and democracy.

The failure of the political regimes of the Arab world to deliver on democracy, coupled with their failure to deliver on economic development and their failure to respond to rapid social change have made many of their impoverished masses begin to think of an alternative way of life. As more than half the entire Arab population is illiterate (59%; and among Arab women, it averages 74%), thinking of an alternative way of life for many involves a retreat to the past rather than working toward a vision for the future. Looking to the past, many Arabs have found an ideology, which embodies both self-fulfillment and satisfaction and carries a simpler message.

The Saudi Initiative: Fact or Fantasy? (2002)

At least the Saudis are consistent. It seems that every ten years or so, when relations with the United State deteriorate, they trot out a Middle East Peace Plan. In return, they are lavished with praise and financial assistance. In 1981, President Reagan applauded the “Fahd Plan” for its “moderation,” and then sold the Saudis AWAC radar planes.

Unlike the current Saudi Initiative, however, the Fahd Plan, at least, had details. It provided for dismantling all settlements built on the West Bank and Gaza after 1967, including the neighborhoods in Jerusalem (ex. Gilo, Ramot, etc.); freedom of worship for all religions; recognition of the right of all Palestinians to return to their homes with monetary compensation for those who chose not to do so; temporary UN supervision over the Gaza Strip and West Bank for a few months; the establishment of a Palestinian state with Jerusalem as its capital; and (the final and most important article for Israel) that “all countries of the region have the right to live in peace.” Although the Saudis did not explicitly pledge to recognize Israel, the Plan nevertheless faltered on both the Palestinian and Syrian fronts.

Then, in 1991, Secretary of State James Baker thanked the Saudis for “breaking taboos” by giving their qualified endorsement, after repeated American entreaties, to the idea of a Middle East Peace Conference.

Based upon current Arab reaction in the Arab press to the Initiative, this overture may fair no better than previous adventures. There is, however, one overriding element that tempts us. A genuine, comprehensive Arab-Israeli peace settlement would, over time, nullify Israel’s strategic concerns that justify her possession of the West Bank, Gaza and the Golan Heights. Such a state of affairs would allow an Israeli withdrawal from the territories and the creation of a Palestinian state.

The problem is that Israel has been down that road before. There years ago, Prime Minister Ehud Barak was prepared to return the entire Golan Heights to Syria in return for peace. That offer was refused. In January 2001, a similar offer was made to the Palestinians, which included compensating Palestinians with pre-1967 territory in exchange for absorbing several of the larger settlements into Israel proper. And we know where that led – nowhere.

The Saudi Betrayal (2002)

Even if we were not attempting to prosecute a war against terror, the time would have long since arrived to reconsider our relations with Saudi Arabia. Victor Davis Hanson, in a series of brilliant articles on the subject, leaves little doubt that the time for re-evaluation has come.

Ever wonder why the $10M Saudi public relations ad campaign in North America fizzled, and why American cable TV networks turned down upwards of $400,000 a month in revenues had they run each one of them? It could be because, in the post 9/11 era, we've decided to take a closer look at our friends and our enemies.

By any standard of modern civilization, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is a bizarre place. In an age of spreading consensual government, the House of Saud resembles an Ottoman sultanate staffed by some 7,000 privileged royal cousins; where governmental positions are filled through a mixture of blood ties, intrigue and bribes.

Yet, the cultural and religious differences that divide our two societies would not have mattered a great deal to us had 15 of the 19 World Trade Center terrorists not turned out to be Saudi nationals.

Up until 9/11, radical Wahhabi Islamic terrorists were seen as vicious wasps deserving of an occasional swat. After 9/11, however, we came to see militant Islam not merely as a different religion, or even as a radical cult, but as a threat to our very existence. At that point, we began scratching the surface of Saudi society to find out what was going on. What we found was that Saudi Arabia was definitely not Holland with sand dunes. We discovered that the proportion of Saudis in al-Qaeda was overwhelming and that Riyadh was in denial. And that really disturbed us. We then uncovered documents at the Sarajevo office of the Saudi High Commission for Relief showing pre-and-post attack photos of the World Trade Center, the USS Cole and American embassies in Kenya and Tanzania; maps of Federal buildings in Washington; materials for forging State Department badges; and a computer program on how to spread pesticides with crop dusters.

The Wahhabi Invasion of America (2003)

Reza F. Safa, author of Inside Islam, estimates that since 1973, the Saudi government has spent an unbelievable $87B to promote Wahhabism in the United States, Africa, Southeast Asia and Europe. According to official Saudi information, Saudi funds have been used to build and maintain over 1,500 mosques, 202 colleges, 210 Islamic Centers wholly or partly financed by Saudi Arabia, and almost 2,000 schools for educating Muslim children in non-Islamic countries in Europe, North and South America, Australia and Asia.

The Kingdom has fully or partially financed Islamic Centers in Los Angeles; San Francisco; Fresno; Chicago; New York; Washington; Tucson; Raleigh, N.C. and Toledo, Ohio as well as in Austria, Great Britain, France, Spain, Italy, Germany, Russia, Turkey, and even in some Muslim countries such as Morocco, Indonesia, Malaysia and Djibuti.

Saudi aid to Muslims abroad, however, comes with strings attached, and most of the recipient institutions end up promoting the Wahhabi version of Islam.

The Struggle for the Soul of Islam (2004)

One of the many sources that I review on a daily basis are translations of the Arab press that are produced by the Middle East Media Research Institute (MEMRI). In a recent issue of Sawt al-Jihad ("Voice of Jihad"), a site identified with al Qaeda, an article appeared titled "A Letter to the Wife of the Slain Pagan Paul Johnson from the Wife of One of the Martyrs." The letter celebrates the murder of the American hostage Paul Johnson in Saudi Arabia and is attributed to the wife of one of the terrorists who was subsequently killed by the Saudi Security forces. In it, the unnamed letter-writer wrote: "I swear to God that I was extremely happy that day, for the true terrorist was killed, after having sucked the blood of our Muslim children." It continued, "The blood of your husband is the blood of a dog because he is an idolatrous infidel." (MEMRI, Special Dispatch - Saudi Arabia/Jihad & Terrorism Studies Project, August 5, 2004 No. 758)

This was followed by a New York Times article that stated that al Qaeda's upper ranks are being replenished by lower-ranking members and new recruits filling the vacuum created when its leaders are killed or captured. In other words, the madrasses continue to teach the young to hate and to churn out suicide bombers. Thus, it becomes clear that for Western civilization to triumph over Islamic barbarism, fundamental changes must first occur within Islam itself.

For the first time since the Crusades, Western civilization finds itself involved in a religious war. As Shmuel Bar has noted in his probing analysis of modern day Islam, a counter-terrorism strategy to fight radical Islam must begin at the religious-ideological level not at the political or legal level. The Report of the 9/11 Commission goes far in detailing the political and legal options, but it says little of the religious/ideological ones.

The reason the Commission dodged the issue is simple. In addressing this Islamic phenomenon, the West is at a severe disadvantage. Western concepts of civil rights along with legal, political, and cultural constraints preclude any government intervention in the internal affairs of organized religions. As a result, our laws make it difficult to prohibit or punish inflammatory sermons of imams in mosques or to punish clerics for decrees (fatwas) justifying terrorism. They are free to spread their ideology of death from pulpits throughout America. These sermons are seen as exercises in free speech. However, because we are involved in an ideological (more so than a territorial) war, it is a dangerous mistake to skirt this issue. By doing nothing, we cede the ideological playing field to radical Islam in our own country. And so do the moderate leaders of Islam in America and around the world.

Even the Patriot Act deals primarily with investigative powers (such as allowing for unlimited administrative arrests, etc.) and does not deal with the prohibition of religion-based "ideological crimes" (such as the anti-Nazi and anti-racism laws that are in force in many countries including Canada and Europe). France, for example, has taken one of the hardest lines of any Western country in fighting Islamic extremism. It has expelled many Muslim preachers who foment anti-Western sentiment and violence in their sermons. However much we may dislike French foreign policy, and however much we find French anti-Semitism repulsive, that country has recognized that terrorist acts cannot be separated from the words that feed them.

A Terrorist's Eulogy (2004)

In a world where victims and perpetrators are painted with the same brush, where the events of 9/11 are justified in the name of God, and where the words “terrorist” and “freedom fighter” are used synonymously, it is no surprise that thousands will march in the streets of Europe and Ramallah to mourn the death of an unrepentant terrorist. In the “Alice in Wonderland” world of international politics, it is better to create a radical Islamic Palestine at any cost, than to support a democratic Israel struggling to survive.

The 18th century French philosopher Denis Diderot once wrote that there is only one small step from fanaticism to barbarism. When Yasser Arafat turned the promise of a Palestinian future into a cesspool of poverty, violence and hatred and converted children into human bombs by convincing them that the promise of paradise held greater hope than any possible rewards they could expect from their earthly existence, he took his people from barbarism to decadence without ever having led them through civilization.

Yasser Arafat never saw himself as a founder of a Palestinian state on the West Bank and Gaza. Rather, he saw himself as a revolutionary and a strong Islamist who held a mystical view that anything short of vanquishing Israel was treason. As a consequence, he had no concept of the economic or social issues required to administer a Palestinian State - and he could not have cared less. He preferred anarchy to disciple seeing the former as the only way to retain power. Failing to learn the lessons of his past, he left his people to languish in squalid refugee camps, and allowed unemployment to soar, sickness to flourish, educational institutions to be converted into madrasses, and Palestinian children to become instruments of death. In the end, his lasting and most pernicious legacy is that he contributed to the metamorphosis of the Palestinian psyche. The Palestinians were once the most secular, tolerant, and educated people in the Arab world. Today, Palestinian classrooms have become the recruitment centers for jihad and an entire younger generation has grown up on a diet of hate and fanaticism.

Paper Tiger (2005)

Frederick the Great of Prussia once counseled his war cabinet: "Diplomacy without arms is like music without instruments." To those who counseled caution in the face of aggression, he responded that nations that were not prepared to protect their strategic interests would, in a short order, have no strategic interests to protect. The intervening three centuries have not diminished the truth of the principle.

In his 1996 "Declaration of War Against the Americans," Osama bin Laden cited the U.S. retreat from Somalia in 1993: "You have been disgraced by Allah and you withdrew. The extent of your impotence and weaknesses has become very clear," he said. “When people see a strong horse and a weak horse, by nature they will like the strong horse.”

Judging magnanimity as weakness, the half-educated in al Qaeda embraced the concept that the "soft" West was not prepared to defend its strategic interests. This perception became provocative. From Beirut to the Hezbollah kidnappings and executions of American diplomats in the 1980s, to Somalia (1993), to the first attempt to bring down the World Trade Center (1993), to the Khobar Towers (1996) and African embassy bombings (1998) to the USS Cole (2000), America responded with lawyers not marines to deal with "criminals" not terrorists. Our enemies and Middle Eastern "friends" alike sneered at us. The aid we gave to them only convinced them further that we were weak and ripe for an Islamic takeover. The perception grew that the West not only could not fight, but would not fight. We became viewed as a great power who spoke in principled terms, but who was adverse to spend blood and treasure in pursuit of them.

Al Qaeda and its global Islamic terrorist affiliates came to the conclusion that America's weakness stemmed from a post-Vietnam conviction that required future wars to be short, antiseptic and casualty free. Bin Laden summed up his perception of Americans in an interview with ABC News reporter John Miller, published in Esquire in 1998: “After leaving Afghanistan, the Muslim fighters headed for Somalia and prepared for a long battle thinking that the Americans were like the Russians. The youth were surprised at the low morale of the American soldiers and realized, more than before, that the American soldier was a paper tiger and after a few blows……would run in defeat.”

In another portion of that interview, Miller quotes bin Laden as saying: "We have seen in the last decade the decline of American power and the weakness of the American soldier who is ready to wage Cold Wars, but unprepared to fight long wars. This was proven in Beirut in 1983 when the Marines fled after two explosions. It also proves they can run in less than 24 hours, and this was also repeated in Somalia (in 1993)." Three years later, on September 11, 2001, al Qaeda turned our planes into cruise missiles and murdered three thousand Americans in New York, Washington and the fields of Shanksville, Pennsylvania.

With the events of September 11, 2001 behind him, President Bush proclaimed what came to be known as "The Bush Doctrine" - the beginning of the robust use of American power, an end to moral ambiguity ("you are either with us or with the terrorists") defining terrorism as a free floating malignancy; held states responsible and accountable for the terrorists they sheltered, funded and sponsored; asserted a right of preemptive action to prevent rogue states from acquiring weapons of mass destruction; and confirmed that promoting stability in the Arab Middle East through democratic change were now fundamental principles of American foreign policy. (Whether Western-type democracies can be superimposed upon the tribal Islamic cultures of the Middle East remains to be seen). In its wake, both the Islamic theocracy in Afghanistan and the secular dictatorship in Iraq fell.

Mark Silverberg is an attorney, currently residing in Northeastern Pennsylvania, with Degrees in Political Science and International Relations and Law from the University of Manitoba (Canada). A former member of the Justice Department, Mr. Silverberg served as a consultant to the Secretary General of the Jewish Agency (Jerusalem, Israel) during the first Palestinian intifada. Today, Mr. Silverberg is an American citizen who champions the cause of American Democracy and Freedom. He writes extensively on Middle East affairs including publications in Midstream and Outpost magazines and is a listed author in the Ariel Center for Policy Research in Israel. His articles are now archived under his name, on the Internet, at his website, www.marksilverberg.com.

Follow The Light (9/27/01)
An Open Letter To Secretary Powell (10/25/01)
Hamas & The Post-Arafat Era (12/20/01)
Democratizing The Arab World (1/17/02)
No Right Of Return (2/28/02)
The Saudi Initiative-Fact or Fantasy (3/14/02)
The Search For Security (3/28/02)
Immoral Equivalency (4/11/02)
End Game (4/25/02)
The Culture Of Martyrdom (5/9/02)
The UN's Real Mission In Jenin (5/23/02)
Middle East Media Distortion (6/20/02)
End Game For Saddam (7/4/02)
Palestinians At The Crossroads (7/19/02)
The Battle For The American Campus (8/1/02)
Syria - The Dangerous Game Of Brinkmanship (8/15/02)
The World After 9-11 (9/12/02)
The Saudi Betrayal (9/26/02)
To Seek A Newer World (10/10/02)
The Fallacy Of Divestiture (10/24/02)
Only Resolve Is Respected (11/7/02)
The Christian Right – Pragmatism Vs. Theology (12/6/02)
The Modern Use of Ancient Lies (12/15/02)
Jimmy Carter - The Untold Story (1/2/03)
The Remaking of the Middle East (1/16/03)
Sum of All Fears (1/30/03)
Sleeper Cells in America (2/13/03)
The Wahhabi Invasion of America (2/27/03)
The Origins of Islamic Intolernce (3/12/03)
Remembering 9/11 (9/30/03)
Judenrein (11/16/03)
Understanding Europe (12/18/03)
The Geneva Accords: Blessing or Betrayal (1/15/04)
Considering the Post-Arafat Era (1/29/04)
Osirak II (2/12/04)
Coming to a Theater Near You (3/11/04)
Europe's Epiphany (3/25/04)
The New Mossad (6/3/04)
The Measure of a Nation (6/17/04)
Hypocrisy & the World Court (7/29/04)
The French Aliyah (8/13/04)
The Struggle for the Soul of Islam (8/26/04)
Abandoning Israel (9/23/04)Thoughts on Iraq (10/7/04)
The Gaza Fantasy (10/21/04)
Word Games (11/4/04)
A Terrorist's Eulogy (10/7/04)
A Matter of Tradition (1/4/05)
Winning Hearts and Minds (1/18/05)
The Coming of Eurabia (2/4/05)
Captives of a Concept (3/10/05)
The Bush Doctrine Revisited (3/24/05)
The Follies of War (4/7/05)
A Strange Twist of Fate (4/7/05)
One Life, One Calling (4/21/05)
The Moussaoui Controversy (5/5/05)
The Jordanian Option (5/19/05)
A Nuclear Iran - The Case for Preemptive Strike (6/2/05)
Setting America Free (6/7/05)
What Democracy is Not (6/21/05)
Beyond Gaza (9/7/05)
The Darker Side of America (9/27/05)
Paper Tiger (10/14/05)
A Callous Disregard (12/05/05)
Tehran to the World Trade Center (1/06/06)

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